But clearly, nonvoters are a mixed bag. Even among the poor, there are fundamentalist Bible-thumpers of the rural south who might negate liberal urban blacks. Piven and Cloward can't simply rely on blanket registration to revive the Democratic party or to strengthen the electoral left, their ultimate goal. Their actual argument is the one of shifting the political spectrum slightly to the left. Ultimately many voters do not take part because they think voting makes little difference. They don't see themselves with a stake in the country to be tended at the polling booth.
This is a national problem for which Democrats must find a political solution. Robert Kuttner, who shares Cloward and Piven's sense of urgency about registration reform, attempts to provide a political prescription in The Life of the Party. David Osborne, who seems more concerned with figuring out how to appeal to the existing electorate rather than with expanding it, offers a different solution in Laboratories of Democracy: Kuttner is the neo-populist, Osborne the neo-progressive.
Populism was the movement associated with the lateth-century revolt of small farmers, sharecroppers, and workers against the big economic powers; progressivism was the earlyth century effort to reform and tame a chaotic American economy through regulation, education, and protection of the common national interests.
Osborne's heroes are executives like Dukakis and former Arizona governor Bruce Babbitt. These neo-progressives hope to rebuild electoral majorities by focusing on the old Democratic ideal of economic growth. They want to achieve that by promoting education, research, industrial modernization, and new partnerships of business, government, and labor or community groups.
They want government to use its public hand to make the supposedly magical "hidden hand" of the market better serve the needs of the whole community for example, by making it easier for small new businesses or women and minority entrepreneurs to raise capital or by encouraging certain kinds of technological innovation. By contrast, post-World War II liberals seemed little interested in manipulating the economic marketplace.
At best they were willing to pay for some of the damages to those hurt or left behind. The neo-progressives try to get more bang for the buck, stressing efficiency and recruiting private business into partnerships with state government. Dukakis's Employment and Training program to train welfare recipients for jobs was one notable example, but other governors have also developed centers for industrial renewal and public-private housing partnerships.
Osborne's book chronicles the many good ideas that state and local governments have pursued in a time when federal largess has shrunk. But much as the book may appeal to "policy freaks," there's something missing.
That's a sense of the meaning of government and the values of society. Dukakis embodied the neo-progressive approach when he declared at the Democratic convention that the presidential race was a matter of competence, not ideology. Neo-progressivism can degenerate into a technocratic managerialism that may win back some middle-class white voters to the Democrats but is hardly likely to stir the masses of uninvolved nonvoters. And indeed, it did not stir them for the Duke.
George Bush demonstrated that ideology, especially at the presidential level, is important. Bush conducted a negative and ideological campaign--labeling Dukakis a "liberal" and defining that to mean soft on criminals, unpatriotic, and militarily weak. But Ronald Reagan not only ridiculed his opponents, he also elaborated an alternative ideology. In The Rise of the Counterestablishment: He had a few simple prescriptions, but most basically his message was that government was the problem, not the solution.
Running as an outsider for office, he continued to run against government for eight years in office. Ironically, at the end of his second term, polls indicated that people today not only trust government more but want to see it doing more to solve the nation's problems.
Reagan capitalized on the people's spreading sense of discontent and powerlessness as the United States stumbled through the 70s. America had not been able to impose its will on the world, and even under Reagan could impose it only on tiny Grenada. America had been slipping economically, and under Reagan slid even more, although the wealthy fared far better than they had in decades. Reagan represented the return to a mythical yesteryear, to a Tinseltown America of cheery white families walking down the street to the clapboard Protestant church before having Sunday dinner at Grandma's.
In the face of daunting new problems, people wanted an image of America to hang on to, even if this image had little to do with the reality of influence peddling by Reagan's top aides, gunrunning to thuggish Central American right-wing guerrillas, and the abandonment of millions more Americans to homelessness and poverty including one-fourth of all children.
Reagan appealed to the dominant American ideology of competitive individualism and to the messianic vision of the United States as the perfect nation, morally sanctioned to impose its way on the rest of the world. Although Bush basked in the rosy glow of Reagan's mythmaking, he could not articulate the myth as well as Reagan did. Besides, he and his aides could read the polls showing that Americans wanted government to do more for the environment, for schools, for health care and child care, and to spend less on the military.
So Bush tempered the Reagan doctrine but kept the myth. It was not clear what vision of America Dukakis stood for, so Bush filled in the blanks. By the end of his campaign, the Duke was talking to people about being "on your side," had sharpened his attacks on corporate takeovers, and was stressing the slide in living standards by middle-class families.
He sounded a bit like an economic populist, and his support grew. Precisely such populism is Kuttner's prescription for the Democrats. He argues that populism not only can bring back straying white working-class voters but also can motivate many nonvoting poor people to elect liberal Democrats.
Against the Reagan view that we are all isolated, ravenously consuming individuals whose private greed ultimately creates a harmonious and happy world, Kuttner argues that Democrats must appeal to us as citizens, as inhabitants of a community.
There's no reason why that appeal can't be just as patriotic as Reagan's myths. Democrats have to put some meaning into citizenship and justice.
In Kuttner's words, they have to "restore the link between citizen, polity, and party by addressing the actual economic needs of ordinary voters. When Congress last year finally required that workers be given 60 days' notice of plant closings, it recognized that justice does have some meaning.
Government delivered something small but important to ordinary Americans and gave them a reason to look to its helping hand and to the Democrats, despite their belated, fragmented support for the measure. It delivered justice to both black and white Americans, although blacks have disproportionately suffered from plant closings.
Many essay writers expressed real anger toward the political system and the adults who run it. Read a discussion of the most frequently cited reform proposals in the essays.
Contest and the prizes: Here is the essay question as well as the set of prizes. Here is a description of the process used to identify the winners. Visit links to organizations working to boost youth turnout and to studies about voter turnout and youth involvement in politics.
Links to some of the coverage that the contest and student essays have received. Click on the below links for samples of student essays submitted by young people in the area. What changes in our electoral system would increase political participation by young people and why is that important to you and people like you? Potential reforms to consider include, but are not limited to; lowering the voting age, better ballot access for third parties and independents, required debates between all candidates for office, vote-by-mail, election-day voter registration, internet voting, proportional representation, cumulative voting, instant runoff voting, a parliamentary system and expanded use of the initiative and referendum.
Essays should go beyond well-known reforms such as campaign finance and term limits. Winning essays will be persuasive, thoughtful, well-written and innovative. Most are fairly interested in politics, notes Mert Moral. They talk about politics. They are interested in political topics at the local level. Scientists have been looking into this. Below are four reasons they offer to explain why many people do not show up at the polls.
If you are a citizen, you are signed up to vote. Not so in the United States. It is up to each person there to sign up, notes Barry Burden. To register, someone must go to an official site, such as a library or a government office, then fill out paperwork. A Pew Research Center study reported that 51 million citizens — nearly one-in-four eligible to vote — had not registered.
Easier registration could mean more voting. By contrast, making it easier for people to vote by letting them vote before Election Day known as early voting , actually lowered the voting rate. The researchers published their findings in in the American Journal of Political Science.
College graduates make more money, on average. They are more likely to look for information about politics. And they are more likely to have friends who vote.
People without a college degree, he says, are less likely to seek out political information. They also are less likely to have friends who care about politics or talk about voting.
Other political parties exist, such as the Green party and the Libertarians. This is because U. They vote for parties to sit in a Parliament. The party that dominates the Parliament gets to pick the Prime Minister. But even a non-dominant party can get one or more members in Parliament — if that party gets enough votes. No one else from their party would automatically get a seat in Congress either.
Americans vote for candidates for particular, individual seats. Americans also vote for Congressional candidates only in their particular geographical area. So a candidate from a third party would have to win the majority of votes from their particular area to get the seat in Congress.
Most of such people were born and grew up with totalitarian or authoritarian regimes (such as Soviet Union). I read an article in the Ukrainian newspaper. One journalist made an opinion poll. He asked people why they didn't vote. Some people said that they just don't want to /5(3).
Most People do not think their vote matters/counts. Most People do not Why man First, why it's important to vote, most citizens believe that their vote does not matter and do not vote for that reason. Second, another reason is some citizens do not know how or where to vote.
My teacher was begging because millions of people who can vote, don’t. Voter turnout in the United States is incredibly low compared to similar countries, notes Donald Green. He’s a political scientist at Columbia University in New York City. You are free to choose the number of pages, Why People Don' T Vote Essay Paper, the font type, the number and kind of sources to be. Take advantage of our whopping 20% discount and STILL get the safest and most reliable UK custom Why People Don' T Vote Essay Paper when you order with us. Why not Why People Don' T Vote Essay Paper online and have professional, experienced American .
The word "vote" causes many different reactions from people. Some become aggressive and begin to express their opinions on various political issues while others try to avoid the topic completely. However, there is a vast majority who rely on pat answers to support their neglect in voting. Essays from all 50 states: Read essays from all 50 states, the Virgin Islands and Canada. Angry and alienated: Many essay writers expressed real anger toward the political system and the adults who run it. See three examples. The agenda: Read a discussion of the most frequently cited reform proposals in .