The perceived degree to which any government fulfills its obligation to society always slides on a continuum. So the question is, to what degree must a government fail in its obligation to society for society to reject that govenment, and the answer to that question is open to debate.
If we accept that government should not be replaced for "light and transient causes," what standard should be used? I would think a very high standard. Without delving into all the specific colonial complaints outlined in the Declaration against the British government, I think they fall short as a justification for treason. I can't help but wonder if the colonies would have been so quick to revolt had Britain simply not imposed a few annoying taxes.
After all, Britain was not engaged in any campaign to starve, murder, torture, or enslave its citizens. Britain's primary intent was to govern the colonies to their mutual benefit, within the constraints of a monarchical government. Based on the argument presented in the Declaration of Independence, I do not believe that the British government's conduct rose to the level of sufficiently denying colonial citizens their fundamental rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
Finally, it is easy to believe years later that the colonial decision to become independent was correct because this experiment in democracy worked and America became the most powerful and prosperous country the world has ever seen. But a good result is not always good evidence of a good decision. While the theoretical framework under which the colonials presented the Declaration of Independence is obviously a good one, the ongoing application of that theory has been difficult.
Throughout our history, during years of experience, we have struggled to balance the interests of government against the needs of society and the rights of individuals. Indeed, our history is punctuated by many examples of our government's failure to provide at least some of its citizens the fundamental human rights demanded by the Declaration.
And while we have the freedom to openly express our dissatisfaction with government and are free to try to change it, we are not free to destroy it. Posted by Webmaster at 6: Declaration of Independence , Declaration of Independence essay , Declaration of Independence essay sample , example essay on Declaration of Independence , free essays on Declaration of Independence.
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At HotEssays you can find useful writing guidelines on how to write good essays making your academic writing successful, effective and interesting. Step-by-step essay writing tips will facilitate your perception of our articles. All academic essays are formatted in any citation style: The oversight also reflects the limitations of conventional scholarly perspectives that narrowly recognize and assess the Declaration as a singular historical event or as a reference point for interpreting and illuminating the U.
Constitution and American public law. The dearth of scholarship on the relationship between the Declaration and the legislative and executive branches of the national government is especially ironic. The Declaration of Independence was the most important legislative product of the Second Continental Congress, which commissioned the document, appointed its drafting committee, debated and revised its content, and ultimately endorsed the final version of the Declaration.
The Declaration bears early executive associations as well. John Hancock, president of the Congress, sent the Declaration to various political and military leaders, including General George Washington, then a commander of the Continental Army.
The irony of the prevailing yet narrow reading of the Declaration of Independence runs beyond its original legislative and executive associations. For subsequent Members of Congress and U.
Presidents have continued and extended these associations—repeatedly engaging, debating and using the Declaration in various public ways and for a variety of public purposes. Given the historical breadth and significance of these associations, this essay seeks to deepen our knowledge of the Declaration and its effects by assessing the history of its influences upon and its public uses by Members of Congress and U.
Several obstacles obstruct and consequently qualify the scope of the intended historical inquiry. The first obstacle is the massive number of times U. Presidents and, especially, Members of Congress have publicly referred to the Declaration of Independence since The prevalence of these references and their intended public uses reflect deeply upon American political culture and its political vocabulary, but it also demands an honest admission that this particular historical reconstruction is selective and, by design, open to fuller development in the future.
Fortuitously, many references and uses of the Declaration can be excluded from this analysis without apparent loss because most appear to lack a sufficient substantive depth or political consequence to warrant more detailed consideration. The present structure of the historical record reflective of the U. Congress and individual U. Presidents is another obstacle that requires some qualification of this inquiry. Although every history inevitably suffers the limitations of incomplete and occasionally inaccessible evidentiary sources, the subject and breadth of this particular inquiry make these limitations particularly apparent.
Only a fraction of the more than two hundred year history of public debates in Congress are captured by the Congressional Record and its predecessors—and even then, the record is selective and incomplete. In addition, the official and private papers of Members of Congress are not typically preserved, published, or widely available when archived. More problematic for this inquiry, the interpretation of Presidential papers remains more an art than a science, as students of the Presidency have developed few standardized methods that apply easily across time or individual.
This methodological deficiency seems inconsequential for individual biographical studies, yet its effects are not necessarily insignificant. One historian, for example, associated the reformist impulses of President Rutherford B. The portrait of Hayes clearly captures elements of his personality and historical era, but other biographical commentaries and the 5-volume Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes—the first published diary of a U.
Similar interpretative problematics plague the analysis of other Presidential papers. Eisenhower include few and primarily incidental references to the Declaration of Independence; and yet, it would be incorrect to infer neither President used or was affected by the Declaration. Given these qualifications, the remainder of this essay employs two complementary approaches in an attempt to illuminate different elements of the substantive relationship between the Declaration of Independence and the individuals who have served in Congress and the Presidency.
Part I identifies several general principles of the Declaration that are prominently although inconsistently reflected throughout the historical development of both national institutions. This first approach allows us to recognize the general ways by which Members of Congress and U.
Presidents have participated within—and therefore, have been influenced by—a political context and tradition whose framework and principles were first articulated in the Declaration of Independence.
General Principles Although many conditions and individuals contributed directly to the formation and subsequent development of Congress and the U. Presidency, several ideas articulated in the Declaration have been consistent and, more important, prior sources of influence upon these institutions. The first and perhaps most obscure idea and influences is derived from the ways in which the Declaration characterizes the world and human nature.
These premises identify dependent relationships between the attributes of the world and of human nature and their prior and singular, shared cause. The second relationship is between a set of human qualities and their divine creative origin. This idea manifested itself in several ways. These ideals have been the common, unexamined expectations of many Members of Congress, Presidents and the American people up to the present day, but they represent noteworthy breaks from mainstream eighteenth-century political thought and the context of American colonial experiences under British rule, which privileged the ideas, institutions and practices of imperialism, colonialism, monarchical will, and Parliamentary sovereignty.
This original endorsement initiated a constitutional tradition within which many Members of Congress and U. Presidents have subsequently participated—a tradition that permits and encourages conceptions and pursuits of legal, political and social alternatives to the status quo. The details and consequences of these influences require little rehearsal because they appear as integral parts of both the Articles of Confederation and the U.
The final general influence of the Declaration of Independence upon Congress and U. Presidents is reflected in its support and promotion of a democratic political culture. In numerous localities, the first public reading of the Declaration of Independence prompted public celebrations— no doubt, forerunners of subsequent Fourth of July celebrations in which the American people, Members of Congress, U. Presidents, and others have publicly commemorated the anniversary of the Declaration.
The Declaration and its annual celebrations also furthered the development of an activist democratic political culture once social groups and individuals including political candidates recognized the derivative rhetorical and political opportunities associated with these public events.
Since at least , the Declaration and the Fourth of July have been prominent parts of American civic discourses, political campaigns, and the beginning of many political careers, including U. Representative and Senator Daniel Webster whose early public speaking reputation began and grew with every Fourth of July speech he gave Remini, ; Waldstreicher, ; Burstein,
Declaration Of Independence The Declaration of Independence is a document that was written by the continental congress and tommas Jefferson in perticular to the king of england and the english parlament. It was written as a statement to the english that the colonnies were breaking off from the british empire.
The Declaration of Independence. Thomas Jefferson wrote the Declaration of Independence in Its purpose was to declare the 13 colonies in America free and independent from Great Britain, get other colonists on board, and to encourage other nations to help them.
The Goals of the Declaration of Independence Essay Words | 5 Pages. The Goals of the Declaration of Independence The American Revolution was not only a battle between the British and the colonists; it was a historical movement that brought about new ways of thinking. Analysis of The Declaration of Independence - What is the Declaration of Independence. The declaration of independence states that all individuals have inalienable rights, requiring life, liberty, and property, a document by which the thirteen colonies proclaimed their independence from Great Britain.
The Declaration of independence was a great successful document written by Thomas Jefferson a great idealist and a man from the age of enlightment, he was a great writer and was the one chosen to write the declaration of independence, he wrote it with a lot of thought about how people’s emotions would be, how they would react, and how it. The Declaration of Independence was a document written by Thomas Jefferson. The purpose of the Declaration is was already as stated in its name; to declare them to be independent from the British. The Declaration included the explanation on why the Congress decided to declare independence from Britain.