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❶It is as much one complete government as that of New-York or Massachusetts, has as absolute and perfect powers to make and execute all laws, to appoint officers, institute courts, declare offences, and annex penalties, with respect to every object to which it extends, as any other in the world. As one of the three triumvirs, Octavius is the youngest and the most ambitious of the three.

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Essays on Brutus

When he saw that he was beset on every side by drawn daggers, he muffled his head in his robe, and at the same time drew down its lap to his feet with his left hand, in order to fall more decently, with the lower part of his body also covered. And in this wise he was stabbed with three and twenty wounds, uttering not However, Caesar only appears in three scenes four if The Tragedy of Julius Caesar is a story of the short rise and fall of a ruler and the conspiracy linked to it.

Julius Caesar is soon to be crown king of Rome after defeating military commander, Pompey. In Julius Caesar's will, his grand-nephew, Octavius, was named as his heir and adoptive son. Octavius was related to Caesar through his grandfather, who married a sister of the Roman dictator. As one of the three triumvirs, Octavius is the youngest and the most ambitious of the three.

He began his career with little — except the name of his grand-uncle Julius Caesar, his father Sorry, but copying text is forbidden on this website.

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But remember, when the people once part with power, they can seldom or never resume it again but by force. Many instances can be produced in which the people have voluntarily increased the powers of their rulers; but few, if any, in which rulers have willingly abridged their authority. This is a sufficient reason to induce you to be careful, in the first instance, how you deposit the powers of government.

With these few introductory remarks, I shall proceed to a consideration of this constitution:. The first question that presents itself on the subject is, whether a confederated government be the best for the United States or not? Or in other words, whether the thirteen United States should be reduced to one great republic, governed by one legislature, and under the direction of one executive and judicial; or whether they should continue thirteen confederated republics, under the direction and controul of a supreme federal head for certain defined national purposes only?

This enquiry is important, because, although the government reported by the convention does not go to a perfect and entire consolidation, yet it approaches so near to it, that it must, if executed, certainly and infallibly terminate in it. This government is to possess absolute and uncontroulable power, legislative, executive and judicial, with respect to every object to which it extends, for by the last clause of section 8th, article 1st, it is declared "that the Congress shall have power to make all laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers, and all other powers vested by this constitution, in the government of the United States; or in any department or office thereof.

It is as much one complete government as that of New-York or Massachusetts, has as absolute and perfect powers to make and execute all laws, to appoint officers, institute courts, declare offences, and annex penalties, with respect to every object to which it extends, as any other in the world.

So far therefore as its powers reach, all ideas of confederation are given up and lost. It is true this government is limited to certain objects, or to speak more properly, some small degree of power is still left to the states, but a little attention to the powers vested in the general government, will convince every candid man, that if it is capable of being executed, all that is reserved for the individual states must very soon be annihilated, except so far as they are barely necessary to the organization of the general government.

The powers of the general legislature extend to every case that is of the least importance — there is nothing valuable to human nature, nothing dear to freemen, but what is within its power.

It has authority to make laws which will affect the lives, the liberty, and property of every man in the United States; nor can the constitution or laws of any state, in any way prevent or impede the full and complete execution of every power given.

The legislative power is competent to lay taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; — there is no limitation to this power, unless it be said that the clause which directs the use to which those taxes, and duties shall be applied, may be said to be a limitation: No state legislature, or any power in the state governments, have any more to do in carrying this into effect, than the authority of one state has to do with that of another. In the business therefore of laying and collecting taxes, the idea of confederation is totally lost, and that of one entire republic is embraced.

It is proper here to remark, that the authority to lay and collect taxes is the most important of any power that can be granted; it connects with it almost all other powers, or at least will in process of time draw all other after it; it is the great mean of protection, security, and defence, in a good government, and the great engine of oppression and tyranny in a bad one.

This cannot fail of being the case, if we consider the contracted limits which are set by this constitution, to the late [state? No state can emit paper money — lay any duties, or imposts, on imports, or exports, but by consent of the Congress; and then the net produce shall be for the benefit of the United States: Every one who has thought on the subject, must be convinced that but small sums of money can be collected in any country, by direct taxe[s], when the foederal government begins to exercise the right of taxation in all its parts, the legislatures of the several states will find it impossible to raise monies to support their governments.

Without money they cannot be supported, and they must dwindle away, and, as before observed, their powers absorbed in that of the general government. It might be here shewn, that the power in the federal legislative, to raise and support armies at pleasure, as well in peace as in war, and their controul over the militia, tend, not only to a consolidation of the government, but the destruction of liberty.

The judicial power of the United States is to be vested in a supreme court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may from time to time ordain and establish. The powers of these courts are very extensive; their jurisdiction comprehends all civil causes, except such as arise between citizens of the same state; and it extends to all cases in law and equity arising under the constitution. One inferior court must be established, I presume, in each state, at least, with the necessary executive officers appendant thereto.

It is easy to see, that in the common course of things, these courts will eclipse the dignity, and take away from the respectability, of the state courts. These courts will be, in themselves, totally independent of the states, deriving their authority from the United States, and receiving from them fixed salaries; and in the course of human events it is to be expected, that they will swallow up all the powers of the courts in the respective states.

How far the clause in the 8th section of the 1st article may operate to do away all idea of confederated states, and to effect an entire consolidation of the whole into one general government, it is impossible to say.

The powers given by this article are very general and comprehensive, and it may receive a construction to justify the passing almost any law. A power to make all laws, which shall be necessary and proper , for carrying into execution, all powers vested by the constitution in the government of the United States, or any department or officer thereof, is a power very comprehensive and definite [indefinite? Suppose the legislature of a state should pass a law to raise money to support their government and pay the state debt, may the Congress repeal this law, because it may prevent the collection of a tax which they may think proper and necessary to lay, to provide for the general welfare of the United States?

For all laws made, in pursuance of this constitution, are the supreme lay of the land, and the judges in every state shall be bound thereby, any thing in the constitution or laws of the different states to the contrary notwithstanding. It is not meant, by stating this case, to insinuate that the constitution would warrant a law of this kind; or unnecessarily to alarm the fears of the people, by suggesting, that the federal legislature would be more likely to pass the limits assigned them by the constitution, than that of an individual state, further than they are less responsible to the people.

But what is meant is, that the legislature of the United States are vested with the great and uncontroulable powers, of laying and collecting taxes, duties, imposts, and excises; of regulating trade, raising and supporting armies, organizing, arming, and disciplining the militia, instituting courts, and other general powers. And are by this clause invested with the power of making all laws, proper and necessary , for carrying all these into execution; and they may so exercise this power as entirely to annihilate all the state governments, and reduce this country to one single government.

And if they may do it, it is pretty certain they will; for it will be found that the power retained by individual states, small as it is, will be a clog upon the wheels of the government of the United States; the latter therefore will be naturally inclined to remove it out of the way. Besides, it is a truth confirmed by the unerring experience of ages, that every man, and every body of men, invested with power, are ever disposed to increase it, and to acquire a superiority over every thing that stands in their way.

This disposition, which is implanted in human nature, will operate in the federal legislature to lessen and ultimately to subvert the state authority, and having such advantages, will most certainly succeed, if the federal government succeeds at all. This could be passed on the character depicted by Brutus who happens to be an optimistic person. He only sees the good in others thus underestimating the threat that others pose.

He underestimates the dangers that Antony poses to their plans in assassinating Caesar Shakespeare His optimistic character leaves him open to deception and manipulation by those around him.

He goes against Cassius warning that Antony would sway the people against the conspirators if he is involved in their scheme. Brutus disagrees on the plan to kill Anthony by stating that he did not wish to be viewed as a butcher. After the assassination, Brutus thinks that he could use logical words in persuading Anthony to join in their cause. Although he pretends to be, Antony is not persuaded and turns against them during Caesar's funeral. This later causes him a lot of problems that eventually leads to his suicide.

This is the most important character while making a film on Shakespeare's Julius Caesar. It would allow the viewers to understand the reasons toward the tragic death of Brutus, who happens to be noble to the cause that would save the entire Roman Empire. The actor playing this role should appear optimistic and easily manipulated.

This would make his other actions easy to be performed as Brutus. Brutus could also be considered as heroic. In the play, his noble actions and thoughts eventually resulted in his death. He decides to end his death rather than face the humiliation of being taken as a prisoner by Antony Shakespeare His death could be scrutinized as a form of self sacrifice, which Brutus recognizes with a lot of serenity.

This noble act endears him to the viewers who become aware of his noble intentions. Even his enemy, Antony, states this as he stands over his lifeless body. Such a role should be given to a character that would leave a lot of questions to the audience. As a director, I would direct the actors to play these noble performances with a lot of serenity and selflessness.

At the end of the play, the characters would leave the audience with a lot of questions such as whether Brutus is indeed an honorable man or just a murderer cruel enough to kill his best friend.


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19 rows · The essays were widely reprinted and commented on throughout the American states. The author is thought by most scholars to have been Robert Yates, a New York judge, delegate to the Federal Convention, and political ally of anti-federalist New York Governor George Clinton. All of the essays were addressed to "the Citizens of the State of New York".

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Julius Caesar Essay: The Character of Brutus - The Character of Brutus in Julius Caesar “Et tu Brute?” Caesar’s simple statement sums up Brutus’ round character in .

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Brutus as the Tragic Hero of Julius Caesar Shakespeare’s tragedy, Julius Caesar, displays Brutus as a tragic hero, blinded loyalty and devotion. Brutus's heroic belief of honor and virtue was so powerful that it drove him to perform villainous actions and lead to his destruction. I 18 October To the Citizens of the State of New-York. When the public is called to investigate and decide upon a question in which not only the present members of the community are deeply interested, but upon which the happiness and misery of generations yet unborn is in great measure suspended, the benevolent mind cannot help feeling itself peculiarly interested in the result.

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Julius Caesar - BRUTUS In William Shakespeare's play, Julius Caesar was a tragedy that is mainly based on the assassination of Julius Caesar. The character that was in charge of the assassination was Marcus Brutus 3 / Julius Caesar Brutus was a close friend to Caesar. He had a good relationship with him and an even better one with Rome. Antony VS Brutus Essay Sample. The conspirators depended on Marcus Brutus for one reason: to justify the murder of Julius Caesar. However after allowing Mark Antony to not only bring in the corpse of their beloved Caesar yet also speak after Brutus during the funeral, it would seem that Brutus’ role in the murder was pointless.